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Week 03: Civil Wars

Causes of Civil Wars


Danilo Freire

24 September 2019

Last week we saw that...

  • Civil wars are crucial events in world history

  • They are hard to define:

    • Partisan bias (favour victims)
    • Political bias (war is not politics)
    • Urban bias (costly information, big narratives)
    • Selection bias (overaggregation, lack of context)

Last week we saw that...

  • Violence is both an outcome and an instrument of civil wars

  • Even barbaric acts can be rational

  • Quantitative measures are somewhat arbitrary

  • PRIO/UCDP and ACLED

    • 25/1000 annual battle-related deaths
    • "contested incompatibility over territory or government and one of the parties is the state"

Last week we saw that...

  • Three waves of civil war

    • Cold War: class-based conflicts, peasant rebellions
    • 1991-2003: ethnic conflicts
    • 2003-present: radical Islamism, but religion might not be the main cause

Causes of civil war


Collier and Hoeffler (2004)

  • C&H argue political scientists put too much emphasis on motivations (grievances)

  • Grievances are more or less constant, so why do civil wars break only at a specific point in time?

Collier and Hoeffler (2004)

  • C&H argue political scientists put too much emphasis on motivations (grievances)

  • Grievances are more or less constant, so why do civil wars break only at a specific point in time?

  • Window of opportunity: people rebel when they can

  • Greed: atypical circumstances that can generate large returns

  • Yet C&H agree they cannot differentiate between opportunity and viability to express grievances

Proxies for opportunity

  • Mineral resources

Proxies for opportunity

  • Mineral resources
  • Ratio of primary exports to GDP

  • Relationship is non-linear

  • Countries with very low and very high ratios do not have civil wars

  • Question: why?

Proxies for opportunity

  • Mineral resources
  • Ratio of primary exports to GDP

  • Relationship is non-linear

  • Countries with very low and very high ratios do not have civil wars

  • Question: why?

  • Countries with few natural resources have nothing to loot
  • Oil-rich countries can hold the country together by force
  • Countries in the middle are the best ones to loot

Proxies for opportunity

  • Money from diasporas

Proxies for opportunity

  • Money from diasporas
  • E.g.: Tamil Tigers funded by American-resident Tamils

  • Immigrants provide money (and skills?) rebel groups wouldn't have otherwise

  • Proxied by % of immigrants living in the US

Proxies for opportunity

  • Funding from hostile governments

Proxies for opportunity

  • Funding from hostile governments
  • Examples:
    • Algerian civil war (rebels supported by USSR/ France by the US)
    • Soviet-Afghan war (Sunni Mujahideen supported by US/PAK/CN, etc; Shia Mujahideen supported by Iran)
    • Syrian civil war (a mess!)

Proxies for opportunity

  • Low cost of fighting

Proxies for opportunity

  • Low cost of fighting
  • 1) Income is low: GDP per capita

  • 2) Weapons are cheap: previous wars

  • 3) Government is weak: montainous terrain

  • 4) Social cohesion: ethnic diversity

Proxies for grievance

  • Ethnic and religious hatred: ethnic fractionalisation

  • Political repression: non-democracies

  • Political exclusion: ethnic dominance (majority group comprises 45-90% pop)

  • Economic inequality: Gini index, ratio top-to-bottom income

Opportunity model

Opportunity model

Grievance model

Drops economic variables from the model

Grievance model

Combined model

Combined model

Combined model

Interpretation

  • Factors that influence the opportunity for rebellion:

    • Money from commodities
    • Diaspora
    • Low GDP
    • Dispersed population
  • No evidence for grievance-based theories

  • Only ethnic dominance has a positive effect

  • Question: what do you think? Is their explanation convincing?

Comments

  • No difference between rebels and criminals

  • GDP, democracy, primary exports change very slowly over time... what triggers conflict onset?

  • Urban bias: no mention of rural dynamics

  • Passive role of the state in the conflict

  • Crude proxies for greed and grievances

Fearon and Laitin (2003)

  • Most cited paper in political science in the last 15 years

  • Remarkable data collection effort

  • Four main points:

    • The end of the Cold War did not cause civil wars
    • Controlling for income, ethnicity and religion don't matter
    • Little support for grievance-based theories
    • Factors that explain insurgency are the most relevant
  • Different from C&H, F&L argue that low GDP proxies for state capacity

Data

  • Conflicts that kill at least 1,000 people, at least 100 per year, rebels or government forces

  • Include colonial wars

  • F&L are cautious about their data on empires

  • They analyse the data both including and excluding colonial wars

Conflicts over time

Ethnicity and conflict

  • F&L criticise the idea of "clash of civilisations"

  • Deep-rooted ethnic grievances are not enough to explain civil war onset

  • Sceptical of "modernisation theory": limits to upward mobility cause people to revolt

  • Question the idea that discrimination (ethnic or economic favouritism to other groups) leads to conflict

Insurgencies

  • Focus on small guerrilla wars

  • Guerrilla groups are weak compared to the government

  • Factors that facilitate rebel group survival are very important

    • Montainous terrain (hideouts)
    • Local knowledge
    • Rural base
    • Weak state governance

Main results

Pred. probabilities: income and ethnicity

Discussion

  • The high number of civil wars in the 1990s is the result of accumulation of previous conflicts, not the end of the Cold War

  • Ethnicities and grievances do not explain why internal wars occur

  • Factors that favour insurgency do: state weakness, low GDP, instability, and large population

  • Practical implications:

    • Promoting democracy abroad doesn't work
    • Cultural dialogue doesn't work either
    • Little foreign states can do: GDP, state capacity take time

Comments on C&H and F&L

  • C&H: homo oeconomicus goes to war

  • Rebels are essentially criminals: profits from looting

  • Question: natural/lootable resources can fuel grievances too, can't they?

Comments on C&H and F&L

  • C&H: homo oeconomicus goes to war

  • Rebels are essentially criminals: profits from looting

  • Question: natural/lootable resources can fuel grievances too, can't they?

  • Resource-rich countries might have higher inequality, forced migrations, trade shocks, etc

  • Diasporas can also provide welfare to local communities and therefore reduce the likelihood of conflict

Comments on C&H and F&L

  • F&L: unclear which aspect of state capacity decreases civil war risk: Inclusive institutions, shared power, armed forces, economic redistribution?

  • Impossible to adjudicate between their theory (state capacity, proxied by GDP per capita) and C&H's (lootable resources, proxied by.... GDP per capita!)

  • As with C&H, national-level data obscures important within-country dynamics

Questions?


Wimmer et al (2009)

  • Ethnicity does play a role in civil war outbreaks

  • Qualify previous literature

  • Offer better data on ethnic groups

  • Establish new mechanisms that link group grievances to conflicts

  • Focus on political dynamics of ethnic exclusion and competition

Institutionalist, configurational theory

  • Institutionalist: political structures create incentives for players to act strategically

  • Configurational: the same institution provides different incentives according to the distribution of power

  • Ethnicity matters because the nation state uses it for legitimacy

  • Politicians have incentives to favour their co-ethnics

  • Ethnic favouritism is more likely in poor, young states (which need more legitimacy)

Institutionalist, configurational theory

Three types of ethnic conflict

  • Secession: changing the territorial boundaries of a polity and can be pursued by both excluded and included groups

  • Rebellion: excluded segments of a population fight to shift the boundaries of inclusion

  • Infighting: elite disputes for the spoils of government

  • Predictions:

    • ethnic exclusion breeds conflict
    • more power-sharing increase conflict (coalitions)
    • large states and those under indirect rule rebel more

Results

Results

Results

Conclusion

  • "The likelihood of armed confrontation increases as the center of power becomes more ethnically segmented and as greater proportions of a states population are excluded from power because of their ethnic background"

  • "These conflicts are even more likely in incoherent states where the population is not accustomed to direct rule by the political center"

  • "Ethnicity is not an aim in itself, but the organizational means through which individuals struggle to gain access to state power"

Comments on Wimmer et al

  • Good idea to focus on ethnicity and power dynamics

  • However, still treats ethnicity as a fixed category

  • Ethnicity and conflict can be endogenous

  • Urban bias, maybe?

Questions?


Kalyvas and Balcells (2010)

  • Do systemic factors play a role in civil war dynamics?

  • More specifically, what is the role of the international system in civil wars?

  • "Technologies of rebellion": ways that civil conflicts are fought

  • Disaggregating the types of conflict

  • The end of the Cold War caused a decline in irregular wars

Technologies of rebellion

  • Irregular warfare: guerrillas

  • Conventional warfare: army and rebels have similar power

  • Symmetric non-conventional (SNC) warfare: states unable/unwilling to fight ("primitive" wars)

The puzzle of the Cold War

  • Civil wars were understood as proxy wars

  • End of the Cold War brought changes to the int'l system:

    • End of multiethnic states
    • Emergence of new states
    • Cheap weapons from the former USSR
    • Weakening of client states
    • No legitimising principle to the state (link with Wimmer et al.)
  • Contest F&L's results that the Cold War has no effect

Technologies of rebellion

Summary statistics

Main results

  • 1 for conventional wars, 2 for irregular wars, and 3 for SNC wars.

Main results

Discussion

  • Indeed the "technologies of rebellion" had been overlooked

  • However, the model doesn't seem very convincing

  • Almost nothing is significant; bad control variables

  • No testing of any mechanism:

    • Material support
    • Ideological cohesion
    • Access to weapons
  • SNC is a poorly-defined category

Ward et al (2010)

  • Statistical models explain what has already happened (duh!)

  • How useful are they to predict what might happen in the future?

  • In-sample vs out-of-sample testing

  • Predictive accuracy: Possible means for testing the validity of a theory

Problems of statistical significance

  • False positives and false negatives

    • Every probability above 0.5 is considered positive in the model
    • There is nothing special about that number
  • Question:

    • You are the leader of your country and you see that country X has 50% chance of going to war next year. If you are right, a civil war can be averted. But if you are wrong, you will invade another country, your citizens will die, and conflict might spread. What probability would make you go to war?

Statistical vs predictive power

Discussion

  • Statistically significant variables have little predictive power

  • How can we use these models to predict new conflicts?

  • Factors that explain previous civil wars may not explain future ones

  • Prediction can help us build more robust (although not necessarily more efficient) models for civil war prevention

Questions?


Brief summary

  • Civil wars happen in poor, weak states

  • Windows of opportunity are more important than old grievances

  • Ethnic rivalries can lead to civil war outbreak, but under certain conditions

  • The Cold War has changed the way civil wars are fought

  • Many of the variables we know explain past wars, but can they explain future ones?

Similar analysis

See you next week!


Last week we saw that...

  • Civil wars are crucial events in world history

  • They are hard to define:

    • Partisan bias (favour victims)
    • Political bias (war is not politics)
    • Urban bias (costly information, big narratives)
    • Selection bias (overaggregation, lack of context)
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